Bringing Israel Education into the World of Online Learning

by Laurie Rappeport

JETS online Israel education classes most certainly do not look like this!
(Image courtesy of http://commons.wikimedia.org/)

Throughout my thirty years in Israel I have had a wide variety of experiences in Israel and Zionist education involving both informal and formal formats. I have also done some classroom instruction but mostly I have been involved in programs that include experiential activities — exploring the country, volunteering, creating meetings between Israelis and visitors, and engaging in hands-on pursuits.

So I was surprised and excited when I found out that different types of learning could be combined to create a dynamic educational environment that would enable students to really understand more about Israel’s history and achievements as well as the issues and complexities with which the country must grapple day in and day out. This online instruction is relatively new in Jewish circles but is quickly becoming a popular vehicle for bringing Israel and Jewish instruction to students of all ages and backgrounds.

I became involved with the world of online Israel/Zionist education when I signed up for the Jerusalem EdTech Solutions (JETS) No Teacher Left Behind course. This 10-week course left me reeling with the incredible array of online tools that teachers have at their fingertips to bring any aspect of Israel or Jewish learning to students in an interactive environment that meets 21^st century educational paradigms.

As a confirmed “non-techie” I was nervous that my low level of computer skills would quash the entire project, but the course took me through the tools slowly, step by step, to the point that I can now engage students with virtual blackboards, shared online materials, an array of audio-visual data and other fun activities that make Israel and Jewish subject matter relevant and exciting.

After I finished my course I began to teach students from an afternoon school in Illinois. I was further stunned by the possibilities that online teaching engenders. My students — pre-teens — were fascinated by the correlations that we were able to develop as we delved into the meaning of Tu B’shevat as it relates to the environment and the Land of Israel, connections between Purim and courage, and between Passover and freedom, and our individual abilities to fulfill responsibilities to perpetuate the memory of the Holocaust. Suddenly Judaism and Israel were “cool” concepts which the students could explore as they grappled with many of the philosophical questions which are debated by Jews of all streams throughout the world.

In addition to an array of teacher training professional development (PD) courses, JETS offers a wide range of online courses which are applicable to many different learning situations, including Jewish day and afternoon schools, public schools, homeschoolers, and even adult learners and seniors groups. The JETS programs are non-denominational and geared to a pluralistic approach which ensures that students of all backgrounds will feel comfortable and involved.

JETS offers courses on Ancient Israel, Israel Today, Israel Culture and Society, the Arab-Israeli Conflict, Contemporary Jewish Issues, Tikkun Olam and Ethiopian Jewry. In addition, there are Hebrew language instruction courses, including “Hip Hop Hebraics” for kids and a PD course called “Otiyot Medabrot” that provides ideas for teachers of how to teach Hebrew reading and writing in an environment of engaging and interactive fun.

Laurie Rappeport is a JETS teacher. For more information visit http://jetsisrael.com/

Just shopping and jogging

by Ilan Bloch

 

While shopping in a local Jerusalem supermarket during Hol Hamoed I asked a worker (who happened to be Arab) where I might find quinoa. This gentleman looked at me aghast and, with a tone filled with rebuke, informed me that quinoa was not kosher for Passover. Without wanting to get into the intricacies of the KLP status of the product I simply told him that I was Mizrahi (which I am not) and he sent a worker to help me locate this prized superfood. Once I found my way back to the checkout aisle I was bemused by the sign advertising the Badatz Beit Yosef hashgacha (kosher certification) on all Dubek cigarettes (see image), together with the greeting of Pesach kasher ve’sameach, wishing consumers a kosher and happy Passover. I hope, of course, that it is very kosher and very happy, as it may be consumers’ last; the bottom of the advertisement includes the Ministry of Health warning that “smoking causes disease and premature death.” A Badatz spokesperson issued the following statement: “Although smoking is certainly a mistake, it is better that this error not be compounded by also breaking the laws of Passover which are extremely stringent.” Maybe this statement should have been included on the cigarette packets themselves lest consumers come to think – Heaven forbid! – that smoking has been officially sanctioned by the Rabbinic establishment, which I am sure many have!

I also took the opportunity of taking some time off to start exercising again on Park Ha’Mesila, Jerusalem’s equivalent of New York’s High Line. As I pounded the track towards Malcha, my simple jog became a reminder of how everything in the Holy City is infused with religious and political meaning. Running through the Arab neighborhoods of Sharafat and Beit Safafa (including past one of the latter’s mosques), which were conquered and annexed by Israel in 1967*, my mp3 player randomly selected Yerushalayim shel Zahav, including its final, additional stanza celebrating renewed Israeli control over previously Jordanian-held pre-1967 Jerusalem, including these very neighborhoods I was running through, Shir La’Shalom, a once controversial anti-war anthem from just two years later, and then Vehi She’Amda, suitable for Passover, but filled with another, more political meaning. This song tells us that “For not only one enemy has risen to destroy us, rather in each and every generation they try to destroy us, and God saves us from their hands.” I was reminded of those (Jews) who include the (Arab) people amongst whom I was jogging in the religious message of this text from the Haggadah. On my way home, I walked past the Yad Be’Yad (Hand in Hand) Center for Jewish-Arab Education in Israel bilingual school, which offers a very different model for Jewish-Palestinian relations in the city.

I just wanted to go shopping and jogging on a day off. But nothing is that simple in Jerusalem; here one lives with the weight of three thousand years of history on one’s shoulders – for good and for bad.

*Part of Beit Safafa was within Israeli-held pre-1967 Jerusalem.

Ilan Bloch is the Director of Teaching Israel. Visit www.teachingisrael.com and www.facebook.com/teachingisrael for more details.

For the glory of… the States of Israel לתפארת… מדינות ישראל

by Ilan Bloch

Image courtesy of en.wikipedia.org

I do not believe in the State of Israel. It is not that I am an extremist liberal, or a fundamentalist Haredi Jew; but rather that I simply cannot identify a state, the residents of which hold shared fundamental ideals and values, or who adhere to a fixed set of norms and mores. It is easy to talk about “Israeli values” but, more often than not, such values belong to only one sector in Israeli society. I prefer to talk about several silos in Israeli society, or even different states of Israel, which are equally valid, authentically Israeli, and each of which contribute to the rich tapestry of this country.

The first of these is Medinas Yisroel – the State of Haredim. In this state, Halacha (Jewish law) is obligatory and reigns supreme. This state values Torah learning, avodah (Divine worship) and gemilut chasadim (acts of lovingkindness), fears contact with modernity (and with the other states), and has, at best, an ambiguous relationship to modern political Zionism. Medinas Yisroel imposes severe gender segregation between its residents and fears spiritual poverty more than economic poverty. It is disturbed by the secular nature of the state and by its very existence which it sees as going against Rabbinic Law (cf. BT Ketubot 110b/111a). The key for residents of this state is Torat Yisrael; Rabbi Ovadia Yosef even suggested that residents of this state should leave the actual State of Israel if they were to be drafted into the IDF.

This is not to say that all Haredim “live” in Medinas Yisroel, but this certainly represents a major trend in Haredi society. There are Haredim who find their homes in one of the other states of Israel.

Secondly, we have Medinat Watani – the State of My Homeland (in Arabic). The almost twenty percent non-Jewish minority of the actual State of Israel are generally part of the Palestinian nation and, at the same time, Israeli citizens. In a sense, residents of this state have given up on being caught between a rock and a hard place. They have rejected the enormous difficulty of their people and their country being at war (or pursuing peace!) and embraced Palestinian nationalism and their own Palestinian ethnic identity, albeit one which has, through circumstance, undergone a process of “Israelization” over the last 65 years. Some have even embraced Islamism (not to be confused with Islamic terrorism). The key to residents of this state is their Palestinian identity (albeit one which has, through circumstance, undergone a process of “Israelization”) – lived on what they consider to be their ancestral homeland.

This is not to say that all Israeli-Palestinians “live” in Medinat Watani, but this certainly represents a major trend in Israeli-Palestinian society. There are Israeli-Palestinians who find their homes in one of the other states of Israel.

The third is Medinat Yehuda – the State of Judah (part of the West Bank). About half a million Israeli Jews live in territory conquered by Israel from Jordan in the 1967 Six-Day War. Many view their lives as being devoted to modern-day chalutziyut (pioneering), just like the founders of Israel, and consider themselves willing to make sacrifices for the sake of the actual State of Israel and its people, for example, by committing to extended IDF service. Others moved for quality of life reasons, and some of their staunchest supporters actually live in “Israel proper.” HaBayit HaYehudi party head Naftali Bennett, who is a resident of Ra’anana and wants to annex Area C (about 60%) of the West Bank, is a prime example of the latter. The residents of this state believe that Israeli retention of these disputed, God-given territories in which the majority of the stories of the Tanach took place is a must, if not for reasons of religious faith, then because of security and water considerations. The key to residents of this state is Eretz Yisrael; some of its more fundamentalist members might even prefer to live in Judea under Palestinian rule than live inside the actual State of Israel.

This is not to say that all West Bank settlers (or their supporters) “live” in Medinat Yehuda, but this certainly represents a major trend in the society of the ideological right. There are Jewish residents of Judea and Samaria who find their homes in one of the other states of Israel.

Next is Gosudarstvo Izrail – the [Russian] State of  Israel. About one million Russian-speaking immigrants made their home in Israel after the fall of the Iron Curtain, bringing with them a rich level of cultural creativity and appreciation, and love of intellectual pursuit. Many, but certainly not all, support libertarianism and conservative politics, are anti-socialist, view the mainstream media in a highly critical light and, with most being relative newcomers, bring a fresh perspective to discussion about the Arab-Israeli conflict. The key to residents of this state is Medinat Yisrael – and a strong and stable one at that, which demonstrates strength and power to those across its borders, while not interfering unnecessarily in the economic and religious lives of its citizens.

This is not to say that all Russian-speaking immigrants “live” in Gosudarstvo Izrail, but this certainly represents a major trend in Russian-speaking society. There are Russian-speaking immigrants who find their homes in one of the other states of Israel.

Also, let us consider Medinat Tel Aviv – the State of Tel Aviv (one might say of the Jerusalem suburb of Rehavia as well.) The residents of this state support, to one extent or another, western democratic norms, such as the supremacy of the rule of law, freedom from of and from religion, individual rights and equality before the law. This state, with its Israeli middle class, is shrinking. This state represents the so-called “Israeli consensus,” that is, the center and left of center and right of center of the Israeli political map. The key to residents of this state is various combinations of Torat, Eretz and Medinat Yisrael – combined with an emphasis on the individual who lives in Israel.

This is not to say that all Tel Aviv (or Rehavia) residents “live” in Medinat Tel Aviv, but this certainly represents a major trend in Tel Aviv (or Rehavia) society. (In fact, a good twenty percent of Tel Aviv voters in the recent election for parties to the right of Likud. *) There are some who find their homes in one of the other states of Israel.

Finally, we have Medinat Sefarad – the State of Mizrahi Jews. This state embraces pride in the rich ethnic, religious and cultural history of Jews originating in North Africa and the Middle East (and to a much lesser extent, those who have their roots in Spain, Portugal and Navarre). The key to residents of this state is preserving and embracing the rich and wonderful heritage of Sefardi Judaism, often with a strong emphasis on Jewish tradition and heritage, but not necessarily strict Halachic (Jewish legal) observance. For some, but very much less so than in the past, intertwined with their ethnic identity will be feelings of persecution and the ongoing implications of the historic injustice committed against them by Ashkenazim. Most will be more conservative in their views on the Arab-Israeli conflict and socio-economic issues, although some – like members of the Mizrahi Rainbow Democratic Coalition – will promote more liberal views.

This is not to say that all mizrahim “live” in Medinat Sefarad, but this certainly represents a major trend in mizrahi society. There are mizrahim who find their homes in one of the other states of Israel.

It should be stressed that this blog post utilizes generalizations which, by definition, are never be fully correct. It should be clear that some Israelis live in overlapping silos or, in a sense, hold dual, or even multiple, citizenship in different states of Israel.  And, of course, some other Israeli population groups, such as Ethiopians, and foreign workers and asylum-seekers, cannot be easily categorized into any of the states of Israel which I have delineated; there are, for sure, more than six states of Israel.

Israel is a construct – a relatively modern phenomenon, not necessarily linked to previous conceptions of what it meant to be Jewish. Perhaps here lies the major split in Israeli society. Were Zionism and the establishment of the State of Israel meant to normalize the Jewish condition, and make the Jewish people a nation like every other, thereby representing a break with the Jewish past? Or, were they meant to allow the Jewish people to fulfill an almost mystical potential and become an ohr lagoyim (light unto the nations), thereby representing a continuation of the Jewish past, in the form of a state. Perhaps the other major split in Israeli society is the question of to what extent universalistic values should be embraced and incorporated into the public sphere, and into Israeli values, culture and society, together with particularistic values. There are no clear answers to these questions.

But it is not only Israel which is a construct; the “Israeliness” that Yesh Atid party leader Yair Lapid loved to talk about during his time as a journalist is also a construct. It is too easy for the hegemons of Israeli society to argue that their state of Israel is the actual State of Israel, and that the ideals and values of their state of Israel are the ideals and values of the actual State of Israel, thereby disenfranchising members of the other states of Israel. It is too easy to dismiss the “other,” whether she be Haredi, Arab, Russian, settler or from Tel Aviv as “un-Israeli” – whatever that means. Each of these different silos in Israeli society is certainly authentically Israeli. Each of these different states of Israel is legitimate, and their rights, ways of life and place in the actual State of Israel should be protected. There is no need for a melting pot. This does not mean autonomy for each of these groups – there should certainly be one law for all. But, such laws must be developed through a partnership between all sectors of Israeli society, which must all be acknowledged and respected as stake-holders, and be truly representative of them all.

With which state/s of Israel do you affiliate? Why?

*This is after dividing the Likud-Beiteinu vote in the city according to the division of Knesset seats between Likud and Yisrael Beiteinu.

Ilan Bloch is the Director of Teaching Israel. http://www.teachingisrael.com http://www.facebook.com/teachingisrael

On Prisoner X/Ben Zygier

by Felicity Bloch

Image courtesy of he.wikipedia.org/wiki/

From time to time guest bloggers write for the Teaching Israel blog. Their posts do not necessarily represent the views of Teaching Israel. As our website (www.teachingisrael.com) states:

“Our educational philosophy is represented by our logo. We are a “blue and white” company, which seeks to promote amongst participants a serious engagement with the Land, People and State of Israel. We are also an organization of many colors, which recognizes the multifaceted and variegated nature of… people’s connections to Israel. Put simply, we believe that there is more than one way to have a relationship with Israel.” 

As always, comments are welcome. If you would like to blog for us write director@teachingisrael.com

An Israeli relative [ed.: not myself] commented in relation to the story of Ben Zygier that Yisrael eretz ochelet yoshveiyah (Israel is a land that devours its own inhabitants). From the perspective of the story that is emerging, it is a land that chews up its finest and spits them out.

I did not know Ben Zygier but one of my children did, though not well, because she was three years younger than him. She attended the same Zionist youth movement – Hashy [ed.: Hashomer Hatzair] and, like every report I have read, she was incredulous that he could be capable of any crime. Almost every report about him is positive. He was a high achiever, dux of Bialik College, a law graduate, sensitive, smart, capable, idealistic, adventurous, well-liked, and married with a young family. As more details emerge about his lonely end, the suffering of his family can only be imagined. They are highly respected community members, who have held senior positions in various Jewish and Zionist institutions. He would have lived up to their ideals and aspirations by his achievements academically, professionally, and by making Aliyah.

Yet he died horribly in suspicious circumstances after nine months of solitary confinement in a secret maximum-security Israel jail. Allegedly he committed suicide a few days after the birth of his second child, whom he never saw, and a day after a conference with a lawyer in which he was opposed to a plea bargain for an unspecified crime he denied committing. It took a judge two years to sign off on the suicide verdict — in itself perhaps a signal that  in a cell which was supposedly monitored 24/7, suicide was not a plausible scenario.

Nobody who knew him believed he was capable of treachery. At worst, I read comments like ‘he wasn’t the most stable person,’ or that he was a raconteur who might have been capable of indiscretion — perhaps not the ideal recruit for the Mossad. But he had something very desirable — Australian citizenship and a “clean” Aussie passport. After the Dubai operation began to unravel, it emerged that Israel was using genuine passports of OECD countries, including Australia, for its agents to access countries to which Israelis cannot travel. Apparently several young dual Israeli-Australian nationals had changed their names to more Anglo sounding ones, obtaining new passports in different names more than once. If young Israeli olim (immigrants), including Australians, were encouraged to assist the Mossad in this way they were being placed in harm’s way in relation to the security agencies of their home countries. Apparently, the alleged Mossad passport scam put Australian olim on the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation’s (ASIO‘s) radar, months before the Dubai affair.  One of those under suspicion was supposedly Zygier — if that was the case, the Mossad put him in a very tight spot, as he would have been in violation of Australian law, and open to criminal charges which might have precluded his returning to Australia, let alone practicing law. This would have created a very strong incentive for his family to keep shtum (mum), and refrain from complaints to the Australian government about the appalling regime of solitary confinement to which he was subjected for nine months prior to any charges being laid against him. This is true even though now the Israeli government is trying to spin that habeas corpus issue, by claiming charges had been laid and that regrettably he committed suicide during the course of proceedings against him.

But why was the Australian government (DFAT) not asking questions and demanding to provide consular access after his arrest? When these questions were raised last week, Foreign Minister Bob Carr seemed to be in the dark. First they just didn’t know, because no-one told them; then, actually they did, but the source was intelligence, so they sat on their hands. This is highly irregular — either a serious bungle, a breakdown in communication, or a remarkable breach of “customary law.”

More plausibly, this weekend’s The Australian newspaper speculates that the reason the Australian government did not ask any questions was because they knew already exactly what was going on. If this is so, it would confirm the gist of last week’s ABC current affairs program Lateline, when former Fairfax Middle East reporter Jason Koutsoukis was interviewed by Tony Jones.

Koutsoukis always seemed to me rather biased against Israel in his reporting, taking a standard – though not extreme – pro-Palestinian line. But during the interview he seemed shocked, as well he might, since he may have been instrumental in Zygier’s terrible fate, without even knowing what he was doing.

He revealed that on the basis of an ASIO tip-off, he had sought interviews in Israel with three young Australians under suspicion. Two hung up on him. Zygier also denied the allegations but did not hang up. Koutsoukis was able to have several conversations with him. He also had the impression the phone line might have been tapped, and on Ynet it was written that Koutsoukis’s office was also searched. Now, connecting the dots, it must have occurred to Koutsoukis, as to anyone who heard what he revealed, that he had been used in an ASIO sting, setting up the Mossad reaction which told ASIO all they needed to know. Zygier was trapped in a pincer, between ASIO and the Mossad. ASIO had investigated the suspects, then set them up by leaking information to the press and, once the Mossad reacted by jailing Zygier under maximum high security conditions, they knew they were right.

So why was Zygier imprisoned in solitary confinement, in conditions calcuated to break anyone’s spirit, before any official proceedings? Because he had already revealed, or was about to reveal, what he knew about the passport scam to ASIO? Surely by then this information was already in the public domain. We know from his lawyer that he was under enormous pressure to plea bargain to avoid going to trial. Why, having gone to all the trouble of this secret imprisonment, was the Mossad trying to avoid even a secret trial? Because they had no evidence that would satisfy a court? Because a trial would have brought their own practices under scrutiny, and they might have ended up on trial themselves? Because they wanted to scapegoat him, and to deflect attention from the reckless Dubai operation which did not meet any cost-benefit analysis? To prevent even more scandal about the way the Mossad leveraged enthusiastic Zionist youth for its own dubious purposes? These are just some of the many ideas that spring to mind.

Zygier’s lawyer reported that he was reluctant to confess to a crime he had not committed. This is understandable, especially since the consequences of a guilty plea were likely to include prolonged imprisonment and other life-long consequences. The fact that this young lawyer was leaning the other way, inclined to exercise his right to a trial the Mossad did not want, makes his death, just a day later, suspicious. The fact that a reputable judge took almost two years to sign off on a suicide verdict may be a signal that she was not comfortable with the affair, and it is important to note that the verdict included a recommendation for further investigation, albeit of the prison staff for negligence. Yesterday Haaretz also reported that  the Prison Service believes it may be scapegoated in turn; there are hints that it may have  been ordered to switch off the cameras that monitored Zygier’s cell, ostensibly to prevent any communication between him and his guards.

Whether he was driven to suicide by the torture of this extreme isolation in which even prison guards were forbidden to address him or, worse still, murdered to shut him up, his horrible death may also have wider consequences — a ripple effect that may well scar the Israel-Diaspora relationship for years.

Diaspora Jews have always struggled to shake off the taint of dual loyalties. In the past, Australians could not acquire dual citizenship by choice — it was restricted to a tiny group of people who were born abroad to Australian parents. The abuse of this relatively recent privilege of elective dual citizenship for dubious purposes such as providing the Mossad with “clean” passports for its agents may compromise public attitudes to dual citizens, particularly Israeli Australians, and to Australian Jews in general. The old tightrope act of supporting, and lobbying on behalf of, Israel without compromising the trust and respect of  the general community just got that much harder. Apparently the comfort, respect and safety of Diaspora communities which loyally support Israel do not enter into the calculations of Israeli policy-makers.

The leadership of the Zionist establishment in Australia also needs to do a lot of soul-searching. It has given unwavering support to increasingly right-wing and extremist Israeli governments. It has never criticized the Israeli government’s tolerance, and even encouragement, of illegal settlement building and abuses of human rights. When the Israeli “hard men” strike, the Zionist establishment looks the other way. How painful and ironical that one of our finest youth, who represented everything the Zionist establishment aimed to nurture, was devoured, chewed up and spat out by the Israeli “hard men.” And how painful and ironical that when Zygier was imprisoned, the only one who raised questions in the Knesset and who condemned the secrecy of the imprisonment and the gag order hiding it from the public was Nitzan Horowitz, a left-wing parliamentarian, representing the Meretz party, whom the Zionist establishment would not have given the time of day.

As a consequence, everything the Zionist establishment has worked for since the post-war era is compromised. I never thought I would find myself in agreement with Antony Loewenstein [ed.: a far left Melbourne Jew] but I now believe that this terrible incident has fractured our trust in Israel.  The practice of sending young people to Israel for a gap-year after their schooling may become very problematic for our community. Parents showed solidarity by sending their children to Israel even when they risked terrorist attacks. Many made significant financial sacrifices to this end. Ben Zygier’s story revealed a danger we never anticipated — the dark side of a security state, where the protections of the rule of law and human rights which we take for granted, may be arbitrarily stripped away. This affair has revealed that Israel may well be more like a typical Middle Eastern state than a beacon of democracy. I do not think many parents will be encouraging their kids to go on Shnat (gap-year Israel programs) next year in the same carefree spirit as before.

Felicity Bloch is a Melbourne-based writer, whose three children participated in Shnat.

On living in Israel for almost a decade

by Ilan Bloch

Image courtesy of http://en.wikipedia.org

Next week I will begin my tenth year in Israel. I made Aliyah in order to stop being part of a minority in a multicultural, yet Christian-rooted, Australia. I wanted to live in my state, with all the trappings of statehood – anthem, flag and state symbol. I wanted to be able to take my destiny into my own hands, to make the news – and not simply read it. I wanted to be part of a Jewish majority, which wielded Jewish power, and created its own history – rather than have it dictated to it by those around it. I even made Aliyah on my birthday, considering my Aliyah to be a new birthday of sorts and not wanting to bother with two celebrations.

Almost a decade later, reflecting on why I am still here, my reasons are somewhat different. There are three key reasons why I live in Israel: Jewish heritage, Hebrew culture and Jewish geography.

I continue to live here because of the choice of synagogues and shiurim (Jewish text study classes) which enrich my Jewish life. The general community in which I live, with institutions like the Hartman Institute, Yakar, Pardes, the Begin Center (which also offers Jewish programming) and Shira Hadasha, provides a Jewish framework which is both intensely Jewish, while at the same time being moderate and deeply humanistic.

I am in Israel because this is the center of a new modern Hebrew culture. Instead of waiting with bated breath for the next Israeli performer to come to town, here I can see movies like Footnote as soon as they are released, watch Prisoners of War (Hatufim) on a weekly basis, without worrying about Internet streaming or subtitles, enjoy original Hebrew theater, such as Alma Ve’Rut, and walk into any bookstore and buy Asaf Inbari’s Ha’Bayta (which to be honest, I have not managed to finish reading)! Here, I am immersed in Hebrew culture each and every day.

Finally, my life here is about Jewish geography – not in the sense of familiar faces but rather in terms of Jewish history. I live up the road from the Temple Mount, the City of David and the Jerusalem Archaeological Park. And I live only a short drive away from Emek Ha’Ela, Bar Kochba caves such as at Hirbet Midras, and even Masada. The cradle of the Jewish people is in my backyard. I love this land.

With that said, being in Israel has given me a greater appreciation for Jewish history and life in the Diaspora. The longer I am here, the prouder I am of my Diaspora roots, and the more I understand the beauty of the heterogenous nature of Diaspora Jewish living during more than two millennia of history. Living here, the idea of Shelilat Ha’Galut (Negation of the Exile) not only seems anachronistic to me – it is downright offensive.

Also, being here has made me more secure in my Jewish identity. Without the fear of assimilation, Christianity and other religions and cultures can now be beautiful phenomena, which I can truly appreciate. Instead of shying away from any connection with things like Christmas, I can now value that which is external to Judaism, recognize its beauty, and not fear it as a threat to my own identity.

Almost 10 years on I am still in Israel. Even though my reasons for staying here have changed dramatically since coming, I am still thankful that I made the decision to move here.

Ilan Bloch is the Director of Teaching Israel.

Behind the scenes at the Kotel

by Ilan Bloch

Image courtesy of fr.wikipedia.org

The Kotel Ha’Ma’aravi (Western Wall) is one of the retaining walls of the Temple Mount. It was built by King Herod as part of his renovation and expansion of the Temple precinct commencing in 22 BCE, although a new theory posits that the Kotel was actually built after his death. And, of course, it is one of the key tourist sites in Israel.

Even though Jews are allowed to visit the Temple Mount itself – the site of the actual Temples – because of security considerations relating to organized Israel programs, and because of someHalachic (Jewish legal) opinions which prohibit Jews from ascending the Mount for reasons connected with tumah (ritual impurity), most Jews, and almost all Israel program participants, do not ascend the Temple Mount but visit the Kotel instead.

For some reason, it is often said that the Kotel is the holiest site for Jews across the world because it is the last remaining retaining wall of the Temple Mount. Obviously, this cannot be true, for if the other retaining walls did not exist the structural integrity of the Mount would certainly be compromised.

The Kotel is the holiest of the retaining walls because it is the closest to the kodesh ha’kodashim (The Holy of Holies), the place to which only the Kohen Gadol (High Priest) could enter and only on the holiest day of the year – Yom Kippur (The Day of Atonement.) This spot is also the site of Akeidat Yitzchak (The Binding of Isaac) and, according to midrash (Jewish lore), the site of Even Ha’Shetiya (The Foundation Stone), from which the world was created.

However, during the time of the Second Temple, the Kotel was simply a wall, serving functional purposes. Along with supporting the Temple Mount, the area adjacent to the wall was the Ben-Yehuda Street of two thousand years ago, with money change places and other stores serving the needs of the local and pilgrim population. How does such a place become holy? Is kedusha(holiness) intrinsic or a construct?

When considering kedushah (though, we must not only consider kedushat ha’Makom (Holiness of Place), but also kedushat ha’Zeman (Holiness of Time – Shabbat and Yom Tov), as well askedushat ha’Adam (Holiness of People – all of whom are created in the Divine image) and kedushat ha’Peulah (Holiness of Action – for example, tikkun olam and tzedek hevrati (social justice) projects). Each Jew must consider for himself which marker of kedusha is most meaningful to him as an individual. Some visitors to the Kotel view it simply as a wall – a piece of real estate. Perhaps they can connect with God more at their home synagogue/temple, or even outdoors. They might even recognize kedusha more in the actions of a human rights activist or even a beggar on the street (created in the image of God). Kedusha means different things to different people. It is the role of each individual to seek it out for himself.

When considering the Kotel, we must also discuss the concept of Achdut Yisrael (the unity of all Jews). Many people visit the site and are enchanted by what they perceive to be an incredible level of unity between all Jews, whether they are locals or visitors, and regardless of their level of Halachic observance – a true center of gravity for the entire Jewish world. Others are offended by what they perceive to be discriminatory practices against women, and against non-Orthodox Jews, which have even led to the arrest of worshippers. They davka see the Kotel as the embodiment of disunity and even sinat chinam (baseless hatred) which, according to our Sages, led to the destruction of the Second Temple.

The importance of the Kotel to world Jewry is clear; it has been a focus for our prayers and of our spiritual and national identity for centuries. But, as visitors, we must ensure that we do not approach the site on a simplistic level. When visiting the Kotel, we must consider how we relate to issues of kedusha and Jewish unity (or lack thereof). Our experience at the Wall should not be an affective one only, detached and separate from the intellectual issues which the site raises. There are no clear answers to these issues; each individual must decide for himself how he relates to them.

My company, Teaching Israel, believes in an intellectual and academically rigorous approach to teaching and learning about Israel, which develops knowledge and skills, while exposing participants to values and attitudes, without trying to promote a particular set of beliefs and practices amongst them. We facilitate both cerebral and affective learning opportunities for our participants.

Ilan Bloch is the Director of Teaching Israel. 

This piece initally appeared on www.joesisrael.com.

Code Red – Stop the Rockets

By Nathan Orenstein

Hineni Youth and Welfare – Australia gap-year participants in red

The ‘Code Red – Stop the Rockets’ campaign was started by the Australasian Union of Jewish Students (AUJS), with the aim of showing solidarity with Israelis in the south of Israel, and across the country. The campaign aimed to support those who deal with the trauma and disruptions of daily life that the incessant rocket fire has caused.

The campaign took place on two fronts. There were rallies held across Australia, as well as a Facebook page, on which people worldwide were encouraged to take a photo, in a group or individually, dressed in red, and post it online. This was aimed at raising awareness globally of the plight of innocent Israelis in a social media context.

Motivated by the increase in rocket fire from the Gaza Strip into the south, AUJS campaign coordinator Dean Sherr stated: “AUJS’s intention for this campaign was to send a strong, unified message of support to the one million southern Israelis currently living under a barrage of rocket attacks. That message has been overwhelmingly taken up, with photos coming in from around the world – showing that people truly do care.”

The peaceful rallies in Australia attracted massive numbers who came together in solidarity with Israelis and to embrace Zionism. They sparked similar rallies around the world where communities jumped into action to show support for Israelis in the south, and even in Gush Dan and in the environs of Jerusalem, who also found themselves under threat from Hamas rocket fire.

The Code Red – Stop the Rockets campaign showed once again the capacity of Diaspora communities to rapidly spring into action and show their support for Israel.

Nathan Orenstein is a Hineni Youth and Welfare – Australia gap-year participant.